Madani, a new icon of extremist political leader in India

SYED ALI MUJTABA SYED for The Ground Report India September 05, 2010

Abdul Nasser Madani alleged to be an extremist Muslim political leader from Kerala is once again in the news. This time arrested for his complicity in serial bomb blasts in Bangalore 2008.

In past, Madani, was charged for giving inflammatory speeches and suspected to have organized terrorist activities. He was, arrested for allegedly masterminding the Coimbatore bomb blasts in 1998, which killed 58 people, an allegation that could not stand the scrutiny of the trial court, and the honourable Supreme Court of India exonerated him of all the charges.

Now Madani arrested for his alleged involvement in 25 July 2008 Bangalore serial blasts in which a woman lost her life and many sustained injuries. His arrest based on custodial confession of an accused who reportedly told the police to have met Madani before the blasts and discussed the plans for recruitment of Muslim youth as terrorists, a charge that Madani vehemently denies.

There was a heavy built up in Madani’s native place in Kollam, Kerala, when police personals came to arrest him, and large number of his supporters resisting such arrest.
This was because Madani is popular leader who leads a political party ‘Peoples Democratic Party’ with the stated aim of working for the welfare of Dalits (the outcaste Indian), the Muslim minority and members of lower castes.

Madani’s popularity comes from being a Muslim, and he has emerged as a hard line leader in Kerala and in some Muslim pockets of that state; he is hailed as a hero, a savoir, whereas non-Muslims see him with suspicion a rabble-rouser.

Abdul Nasser Madani is the new icon of extremist political leader in India. He represents the forces of fundamentalism, a short route to come to political limelight in the country. He draws its strength from the streets, cashing upon the negative sentiments of the people. His story represents the down side of the Indian politics, a tale of the mobilization of the masses based on hate and radicalizing the society.

The story of Abdul Nasser Madani represents the down side of the Indian politics. Although he is a Muslim leader, it would be wrong to see Madani action as an act of religion. The issue is more complex. In fact, Madani is just a cog in the wheel of this new format of Indian political system where many take pride in being called as an extremist leader.

His figure is unique and follows the trail of the notorious radical extremist leaders like; Bal Thakrey, Raj Thankrey of Shiv Sena, Nrander Modi , LK Advani of Bhartiya Janta party, Syed Ali Shah Gilani, the Kashmiri separatist leader and Parveen Tagodia of Vishav Hindu Parishad, a non political party but one who takes pride in being extremist leader of India.

Like any such politician, Madani too publicly denies the charges of being engaged in any type of fundamentalist activities, and proclaims to be a secular leader. Like them, he denies the accusations of terrorism but acts in an exaggerated way in public and private life.

The presence of people like those of Madani is a cancer in Indian politics. They emerge with different labels at different point of time and space and at different place of the country, with a common purpose to espouse the cause of divisive politics with the sole purpose to capture power. In the process they, wield considerable authority, and even perpetuate it to their future generations.

As memory serves, India has a long history of nurturing divisive politics. The first spark of such kind emerged in 1960s emerged with the language movement in Tamil Nadu, and the DMK used it as vehicle to capture power. It continues to enjoy popular support in the state and succession plan is in place for smooth transfer of power.

The Shiv Sena in then Bombay shot into limelight resisting the outsiders in the metropolis initially from Tamil Nadu, then from UP and eventually against all no Marthai speaking people. This diatribe was then extended to oppose the Muslims as it serve the vote base and increased its strength on the streets. The Sena patriarch now has passed the power to next generation who too continue to brand hard line politics.

This concept was repeated in Assam in 1970’s, where All Assam Student Union (AASU) launched against the outsiders and in the garnered huge political support. The movement took a bloody turn resulting into the Nellie massacre where more than 1000 Muslim Bengalis were massacred. The movement crystallized into political outfit and contested election under the banner of Assam Goan Prishad that captured power. Many leaders of that movement are still around and enjoy popular support.

In 1980’s Punjab saw the rise of Bhinderwalen of Punjab, who dictated how power could flow from the barrel of the gun. Using religion as a trump card in the political clash, he eventually drifted to challenge the might of the Indian state and dreamt to carve out an independent state. Eventually, he was silenced through the power of the gun.

Even before the slogan Khoon Ka Badla Khoon (blood for blood), ranted the air in New Delhi, when the pyre of Mrs Gandhi was lit, and the pogrom against the Sikh community was unleashed, another divisive politics struck roots and this centred around Ram Janambhomi movement.

The entire landscape of the country was crisscrossed on a chariot of fire, spreading the canard that Babari masjid was the exact location where mythical Lord Ram was born. The movement left a trail of blood and destruction and established a precedent for future political leaders to test this formula at another time and other place in its quest of political power.

From the womb of Ayodhya movement emerged the Bahujan Samaj movement, that launched the campaign against the Tilak (Brahims) Tarajoo ( the baniyas or merchant class) and Talwar ( the Rajputs), the three symbols of oppression in India since time memorial and this construct fetched political dividends, and the party stormed into the power garnering popular support.

The nineties belonged to a tussle between the lower castes against the monopoly of power of the upper cast. It also saw the religious movement centred on Ayodhya that essentially was to keep a lid over caste tinderbox and bottle them up. This was done by creating the construct of Muslims as others and outcasts. The battle between the two forces that essentially happens to be negative in character is still on and none has emerged as clear-cut winner.

At the dawn of the new century Maoists has emerged as a new challenge to the the India state. They too have drawn up their own agenda centred around the marginalised section of Indian society and have built up a huge movement that seems to be getting out of control. This fascinating battle is enacted on daily basis and the reportage tend to suggests that there is no resolution to this problem in sight.

The common thread among all the above mentioned stories is that the forces of division, hate, intimidation, radicalism, fundamentalism is having a field day, while those who are working moderation and restraint are getting marginalised. Those holding scissors and working for vivisection of the country are having an upper hand while those holding needles and attempting to stitch the nation are getting undermined.

There is no denying the fact that there is little way out from such cul-de-sac, but the fact remains that there is need to nip in the bud such divisive politics in the first place.

The whole tribe of political leaders who harp upon such divisive agenda should be banished from the Indian political scene. Unless this does not happen, there is every chance that many such characters like Madani may loom large in the country.
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Syed Ali Mujtaba is a working journalist based in Chennai. He can be contacted at syedalimujtaba@yahoo.com