The Nepalis entered the phase of federal democratic republic after the formal abolition of the 240-year monarchy founded on feudal identities and thought patterns.
However, all progressive scholars agree that the Nepalis have not yet got rid of feudalism despite the abolition of monarchy because monarchy was only a major generalized symbol of feudalism while deep-rooted feudal mechanisms still rule Nepal.
After the constitutional implementation of republic backed by the people, those well-trained in feudal thought patterns find it extremely painful. They are trying to use communal and religious tools to create disruptions during the volatile period of historical transition.
When the then king Gyanendra sidelined the major political forces such as the Nepali Congress (NC) and the Unified Marxist-Leninist (UML)—don’t worry about the banner ‘Marxist-Leninist;’ one can remain loyal to extremist market economy—both the NC and the UML opted to benefit from the Maoist rebels—nobody knows what the exact meaning of Maoism is—who intended to end monarchy. Although it was not at all the policy of the NC and the UML (this ‘communist’ party had even collaborated with the then king Gyanendra against those demanding the restoration of democratic rights) to eliminate the monarchy, they happened to collaborate with Maoist rebels for the time being because these then-monarchist parties had been isolated from rural masses due to the decade-long armed insurgency. Both the NC and the UML had never imagined that their collaboration with the armed insurgents would mean something else—to let them lead Nepal today.
What and how the NC and UML top leaders say and do today clearly demonstrates their mental trauma created by the 10-April 2008 Constituent Assembly elections in which the Maoist rebels emerged as the largest political force, once marked by the recently dismissed king Gyanendra as ‘some misled criminals.’
Traumatic effects can be found also among some elite-oriented mass media, who, indeed, had played an important role in mobilizing people against the monarchy that invaded their houses during the royal coup period. The psychological foundations of the mass media owners, in general, require transformation should they genuinely desire to align with the movement of the proposed New Nepal—constitutional formulation is yet to commence for the purpose.
The psychological foundations of the mass media owners in Nepal definitely run counter to the aspirations of the majority of the working class people—mostly illiterate and cut off from digital communications. Public journalism perspectives are yet to be adopted. Mass exploitation, social oppression and injustices have not become major agenda. Assuming a transformative character after the abolition of monarchy has become quite a big challenge for the Nepali mass media. However, they have knowledge elites in their store. Such knowledge elites are differently schooled, especially in the marketing principles developed by multinational corporations.
Working class issues, especially labor issues—so vital for the economic advancement of the country—find scanty space in the Nepali mass media. Leaders’ frequently reiterated expressions find the main space while newness is a big want.
It not surprising that knowledge elites, who prefer to maintain their existing status as something ‘elite,’ exercise to counter big changes likely to serve the working class people.
However, what is timely advisable for such knowledge elites is that they had better try to transform themselves to suit to the majority concerns by abandoning their white lies and reality-distorting habits.
In a nutshell, a distorted mentality cannot see the exact picture of the society.
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